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Development, Environment, and GovernanceDEVELOPMENTAL STATES IN EAST ASIA: A COMPARISON OF THE JAPANESE AND CHINESE EXPERIENCES- Mark Beeson (pp. 5~39)
In the aftermath of the East Asian crisis and Japan's prolonged economic downturn, many observers considered that East Asia's distinctive model of state-led development had become redundant and irrelevant. And yet not only have aspects of this model persisted in Japan despite attempts to reform it, but China is actively embracing elements of neo-mercantilism and state interventionism that owe much to the Japanese exemplar. Even more strikingly, China's success and the influence of the "Beijing consensus" are encouraging other countries to follow suit. This article explores the trajectory of East Asian forms of developmentalism and suggests that reports of their death may prove premature. - Whasun Jho and Hyunju Lee (pp. 41~72) This article examines the structure and political dynamics of the environmental cooperation network in Northeast Asia for the "yellow sand" problem as well as the interplay of ideas and interests among its participants in Korea, China, and Japan. Despite the existence of a complex and multi-layered network and discussion channel, regional environmental cooperation remains in a rudimentary stage due to the governments' and NGOs' different ideas about the issues and the priorities of economic resources. Cooperation in solving the Northeast Asia yellow sand problem is difficult because the most important functions are being carried out by intergovernmental national actors. The highly integrated transnational ecosystem is being managed by sovereign states with different interests and political dynamics. In order to solve a regional problem like that of yellow sand, transnational solidarity between civil societies must be promoted. In addition, a coordination organization and regional leadership that can manage cooperation networks and promote solidarity among Northeast Asian countries are required. - Carin Holroyd (pp. 73~96) As the host for the United Nations conference that resulted in the Kyoto Protocol, Japan has been intricately linked to the global climate change agenda. Once known for the high levels of industrial pollution in the country, Japan has opted in recent years to position itself as a world leader in environmental sustainability. The result has been an aggressive set of policies on recycling, environmental protection, new technologies, and on a concerted effort to combine environmental initiatives with the creation of new export industries aimed at delivering made-in-Japan solutions to the global marketplace.
Regional Organizations and National Interests
APEC AT A CROSSROADS:
CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES
Under the weight of various challenges, growing frustration both inside and outside APEC clouds its prospects as a lead institution in promoting regional cooperation in the Asia-Pacific. To help consider the future of APEC, we develop four scenarios that describe alternative paths the organization may take. Of the four, the preservation of the status quo appears to be the most probable short-term scenario given sharp divisions within APEC. But this option is not sustainable in the long term. The idea presently under discussion in APEC involves creating an APEC-wide free trade area. Despite its large potential benefits, this scenario faces serious obstacles and may at best be described as a truly long-term scenario. We suggest two other possibilities, an "OECD model" and an "institution for security cooperation," which may serve as the medium-term scenarios that would help APEC preserve its current status as a center of Asia-Pacific regional cooperation.
RUSSIAN POLICY IN CENTRAL ASIA: SUPPORTING, BALANCING, COERCING, OR IMPOSING?
This article looks at Russian foreign policy in Central Asia, with a focus on security issues. It identifies the elements of support, balance, coercion, and imposition that affect relations with that region. Russia plays a game that, despite many difficulties, it wants to be a positive-sum game according to its interests in the area. By pursuing this analytical focus, the article questions whether the establishment of an enlarged security community involving Russia and the Central Asian states, beyond the non-functional Commonwealth of Independent States, could be envisaged. Russia faces a complex interplay of differentiated states in the area along with the involvement of external actors competing for influence, all of which complicate achievement of its interests.
Labor in South Korea
This article presents a general overview of the South Korean labor market and the main policies for work integration that have been installed recently, and explains how the recent massive influx of North Korean defectors from low social classes has made their work integration in South Korea a worrisome issue. Available data on the work integration of North Korean defectors in South Korea is presented to illuminate the discrimination they face on the primary labor market and the different indicators of their poor work integration. The failure of their work integration is analyzed through a "social capital" framework, with two main approaches: one regarding social capital as a key factor to understand access to the job market, the other relating integration of immigrants, ethnicity, and social capital. North Korean defectors have an especially low social capital due to a weakness of their ties both to persons belonging to the same community and to persons belonging to different communities. The main argument is that there is a close relation between this low level of social capital and the poor achievement of North Korean defectors in terms of work integration. The situation of social exclusion experienced by most North Korean defectors is the result of a process of "disaffiliation" that makes them "social cases" in South Korean society.
The purpose of this article is to present women's reality in the context of the gender division of labor in the family. For this purpose, I conduct practical as well as normative analyses of the gender division of labor. By examining women's situations and their choices in the family and in the labor market in the United States and South Korea, the article shows why and how American and South Korean women similarly suffer from the major injustice caused by the gender division of labor. In both countries women and men tend to do (are expected to do, or are likely to choose to do) different kinds of work. Many women perform housework and childcare whether they work outside the home; many men perform market work and have less responsibility for housework and childcare than women do. This gender division of labor is one of the main causes of women's oppression, especially in current society, where women's work is less valued than men's work. I examine the mechanisms by which the gender division of labor creates, maintains, and reproduces disadvantageous situations for women in different cultural and national circumstances. |
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