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Special issue on North Korea and Regional Security- Mark J. Valencia (pp. 5 - 7) AMERICA'S FAILED NORTH KOREA NUCLEAR POLICY: A NEW APPROACH - Gregory J. Moore (pp. 9 - 27) America's North Korea nuclear policy has been a failure. Instead of achieving its goal of preventing North Korea from possessing and proliferating nuclear weapons, it has had the opposite effect. This failure was a result of the George W. Bush administration's blanket rejection of the previous administration's approach to North Korea, the tendency to ignore the advice of experts, neoconservative influence on foreign policy, and divisions within the administration resulting in an inconsistent approach. This article suggests a bold new approach in which the United States offers North Korea full diplomatic recognition and a formal end to the Korean War as first steps toward the goals established in the 2007 Six Party Talks on North Korea, i.e., that North Korea give up its nuclear weapons and nuclear-weapons programs, and cease its proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Taking these moves as a starting point rather than a reward for compliance will deepen North Korea's commitment to nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation by removing its gravest external security threat-the United States. The Six Party Talks: National PerspectivesChu Shulong and Lin Xinzhu (pp. 29 - 43) The Six Party Talks on North Korean nuclear issues have been ongoing since August 2003. They have not prevented North Korea from having nuclear weapons. Nevertheless, the goal to denuclearize the Korean peninsula has been agreed upon by all six countries, including North Korea. Whether these talks will reach that goal is unclear and uncertain. However, the talks have brought the six countries, or at least the United States, China, the Republic of Korea, Japan, and Russia, closer in terms of regional security. All six have agreed to an official dialogue on a multilateral security cooperation mechanism in Northeast Asia. This dialogue is useful and encouraging.
THE SIX PARTY TALKS: A RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE Russia has had a consistent policy of promoting a nuclear-free Korean peninsula, opposing resolution of the nuclear issue through pressure or sanction, supporting a multilateral process and solution, promoting adherence to Non-Proliferation Treaty rules, and expanding mutually beneficial economic cooperation. Moscow first suggested initiating a six-party process regarding a solution to the divided Korean peninsula in 1994. North Korea is generally positive about Russia's suggestions. The United States has belatedly and reluctantly recognized Russia's positive role in the process. Russia hopes the Six Party Talks (6PT) will gradually evolve into a multiparty security and cooperation system including a peaceful DPRK. This will be facilitated by international economic assistance to the DPRK and institutionalization of the 6PT. Successful Russia-U.S. cooperation may have much wider implications.
DIPLOMACY OF DEFIANCE AND FACILITATION:
THE SIX PARTY TALKS AND THE ROH MOO HYUN GOVERNMENT
The second North Korean nuclear crisis, which was triggered by controversy over its alleged highly enriched uranium (HEU) program in October 2002, continues. Despite its roller-coaster trajectory, the Six Party Talks (6PT) process has paved the way for a peaceful diplomatic settlement of the nuclear standoff. Since the 6PT process has been primarily a negotiating arena for North Korea and the United States, through the mediation of China, room for South Korea's effective participation has been structurally limited. Nevertheless, the Roh Moo Hyun government played a significant role in suggesting innovative ideas, often defying the American stance to break impasses, and facilitating the overall process of negotiation through proactive diplomacy. This article unravels the Roh government's diplomatic role in the 6PT process by describing its initial perception of and reactions to U.S. positions on contentious issues such as the terms of engagement and exchange, and analyzing its role in linking the 6PT to a peace regime for Korea and a Northeast Asian regional security and peace mechanism. Multilateral Regime Building
The current Six Party Talks on the North Korean nuclear programs provide an opportunity to build new and unprecedented multilateral arrangements to enhance strategic stability and security in Northeast Asia, historically one of the most volatile regions in the world. This article, inspired by working with colleagues on the linkage between historical reconciliation and cooperative security over the past several years, tries to pull together ideas about the possible component parts for such a multilateral security institution in Northeast Asia.
SEARCHING FOR A NORTHEAST ASIAN
PEACE AND SECURITY MECHANISM
The process of exploring a Northeast Asian peace and security mechanism should be based on realism and historical institutionalism. One of the preconditions for formal institutions is great-power balance, thus the role of the United States as the balancer between China and Japan should be emphasized. In addition, the North Korean nuclear problem should enter the stage of nuclear dismantlement in which the Six Party Talks (6PT) and the Peace Forum may produce a synergistic effect to realize denuclearization and establish a permanent peace regime on the Korean peninsula. Finally, we should encourage U.S.-led bilateral alliances to develop into a comprehensive alliance that deals with traditional as well as non-traditional security challenges that tend to be addressed multilaterally. If the bilateral alliances can alleviate the concerns of third parties, bilateralism and multilateralism may become more compatible, thereby contributing to the establishment of a Northeast Asian peace and security mechanism.
A MARITIME SECURITY REGIME FOR NORTHEAST ASIA
The Six Party Talks can be the crucible for forging a regional security mechanism in Northeast Asia. This mechanism should originally focus on maritime security. The rationale includes the region's geography, competing maritime and island claims, the resultant maritime military buildup and changing priorities, increasing frequency of dangerous incidents, and the existence of a foundation for conflict avoidance and resource sharing. The Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea could serve as a model for a similar Declaration for Northeast Asian Seas that may ultimately include guidelines for activities in others' Exclusive Economic Zones. Editorial
CHINA AND THE UNITED STATES:
RESPONSIBLE STAKEHOLDER OR EMERGING THREAT?
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